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|influences =
[[File:Anti-Stalin.png]] Anti-Stalinism<br>
[[File:AntiimpAntieast.png]] {{PCBA|Anti-Imperialism|Anti-Soviet Imperialism}}<ref>Tito supported Nagy and Dubcek against Soviet invasions.</ref><br>
[[File:Antieast.png]] {{PCBA|Anti-Imperialism|Anti-Soviet Imperialism}}<ref>Tito resisted the Soviet take over of his country and supported Nagy and Dubcek against Soviet invasions.</ref><br>
[[File:Anti-Colonial.png]] Anti-Colonialism<br>
[[File:Anti-LGBT.png]] Anti-LGBT+ (Accused, in most Yugoslavian republics)<br>
[[File:AntiTrot.png]] Anti-Trotskyism<br>
[[File:JosipBrozTito.png]] Josip Broz Tito is a [[File:Cball-Croatia.png]] Croatian communist revoluntionary who rose to power in the 1940s, when he relentlessly fought against [[File:Nazi.png]] [[Nazism|Nazi imperialists]] and their collaborators, such as [[File:Ustase.png]] [[Clerical Fascism|Ustases]] to genocide the Yugoslavian people. Tito's resistance movement received massive assistance from the [[File:Cball-USSR.png]] [[Marxism-Leninism|USSR]], the [[File:Cball-UK.png]] [[Conservative Liberalism|United Kingdom under Churchill]], and [[File:Cball-US.png]] [[Social Liberalism|FDR's America]]. Tito also convinced Churchill to aid the [[File:Yugoslav Partisans.png]] [[Marxism-Leninism|Yugoslav Partisans]] under his leadership, rather than the [[File:Chetniks2.png]] [[Ultranationalism|Serbian ethnonationalist Chentiks]] out of pragmatism.<ref>https://winstonchurchill.org/resources/in-the-media/churchill-in-the-news/was-churchill-hoodwinked-over-tito/</ref>
Initially, a devout Marxist-Leninist who participated in the purges against anti-Stalinists within the communist party by following Moscow's orders and forming the notorious secret police organization known as the “UDBA (Yugoslavian State Security Service)”, TitoConflicts grewwould to distrust Moscow after the USSR occupied Eastern Europe. Tito, as a proud [[File:Natcom.png]] [[National Communism|Yugoslavian nationalist]], does not want Yugoslavia, a country that won its independence from the Nazis largely independently, to become the subject of another imperialist power. There were also several diplomatic riftsarise between MoscowStalin and BelgradeTito over theseveral statusissues, ofsuch [[File:Cball-Albania.png]]as Albania and [[File:Cball-Bulgaria.png]] Bulgaria. Moscow initially approvedWhile Tito's Macedonizationsupported andthe attemptedintegration toof absorb BulgariaAlbania and AlbaniaBulgaria into a so-called [[File:GreaterYugoslavia.png]] "Great Yugoslavia" but later grew skeptical of Tito's ambitions. Stalin personally ordered his allies, [[File:EnverHoxha.png]]While Hoxha, and [[File:BulgarianStalin.png]] Dimitrov, toleaders scrapof the Yugoslavian project altogetherAlbania, which led to pro-Yugoslavia politicians in their countries, such as [[File:TraichoKostov.png]] Kostov and [[File:Xoxe.png]]Bulgaria Xoxerespectively, beingdisagreed arrestedwith and executed by the Stalinistthis regimesdescision, respectively. Dimitrov originally signedwith the Bledsupport Agreementof inJosef 1947Stalin. alongAnother with Titoissue, hopingwas tointerpretations unifyof the countries into a Balkan Federative Unionsocialism, butand reverseddisagreements this after Stalin's orders duringbetween the Tito-Stalin Splittwo. Additionally, Stalin opposedbelieved Tito'sTitos financeproposed ofmarket Greek communists as he believed "theresocialism, was noa wayform forof themcooperative tocapitalism, win power" and that it could piss off the west.while Tito also refused Stalin's request for collectivization as he believed SFRYStalins should adopt a [[File:NEP.png]] Lenin-style NEP to build up itsplanned economy beforewas anya attemptsform of collectivizationstate capitalism. AllWith theseall the diplomatic riftsRFIs, camethe to a full-scale conflict when Moscow,uSSR along with all its puppet regimesallies in Eastern Europe under the so-called "Cominform," expelled SFRY from this international communist organization. Moscow cut off all aid to SFRY and organized dozens of assassination attempts against Tito, but none succeeded, thanks to the protection of the UDBA against the Soviets.
As tensions grew, Yugoslavia purged or prosecuted all Stalinists within the country and looked to the west, America under the [[File:Truman.png]] [[Neoconservatism|Truman administration]] offered both financial and military aid to SFRY, amidwhich fearsTito ofwas aglad Sovietto invasion in 1951, just like how the USSR occupied all other Eastern European countriesaccept.<ref>https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/war/yugoslavia-1951.htm#:~:text=On%20June%2028%2C%201948%2C%20Serbia%27s,provoke%20the%20Third%20World%20War</ref> The British Prime Minister [[File:ClementAttlee.png]] [[Democratic Socialism|Clement Attlee]] also entered into a trade agreement with SFRY and the relationship of both countries peaked. The StalinistCountries USSRwithin wasthe Comintern were angered andthat Tito adopted market socialism, which was seen as a form of furiouscapitalism, and itthe launchedfact athat massivehe allied with the American Imeperalists, lead a campaign to purge alleged Titoists and [[File:Natcom.png]] [[National Communism|national communists]] within the SovietEastern bloc to snuff out disloyal communists, dissents, and nationalists who wanted independence and self-determination of the Soviet EmpireBloc.
Meanwhile, the SFRY launched a massive campaign of market socialism to promote its unique model of the economy with workers' self-management policies, worker-controlled firms, and the promotion of cooperatives to develop its path to socialism. Big businesses and industries, however, were nationalized and remained under state control, but small businesses and sole traders remained legal. Nevertheless, this economic policy initially proved successful with the massive boom in the Yugoslavian economy and quickly industrialized SFRY without the famines and bloody gulags of the Soviet Empire. It proved to the world that socialism could be achieved without being a puppet of the Soviet Union. After the death of Stalin, [[File:Khrusch.png]] [[Khrushchevism|Nikita Khrushchev]] and the new Soviet leadership attempted to court Tito, and both countries re-established diplomatic ties. The USSR reaffirmed the SFRY's sovereignty and independence to pursue its socialist path as Khrushchev developed the theory to recognize the "Third Bloc" of countries that were neither aligned with the USA nor the USSR as part of the [[w:Belgrade Declaration|Belgrade Declaration]]. The relationship between both countries began to heal. Even so, the Soviet imperialist invasion of [[File:Nagy.png]] [[Liberal Socialism|Hungary]] in 1956 deteriorated the relationship between SFRY and the USSR again, and the SFRY was absent from the international communist meeting in 1958 by refusing to recognize the leadership of the USSR in the newly formed Socialist Camp of Warsaw Pact and Comecon. Titoist Yugoslavia formed the [[File:NAM.png]] [[w:Non-Aligned Movement|Non-Aligned Movement]], along with [[File:Nasser2.png]] [[Arab Socialism|Nasserist Egypt]], [[File:Nehru.png]] [[Democratic Socialism|Nehru's India]], [[File:Sukarno.png]] [[Pancasila|Sukarno's Indonesia]], [[File:Nkrumah.png]] [[African Socialism|Nkrumah’s Ghana]] and many other non-aligned and anti-imperialist countries in 1961 to oppose both the imperialist blocs of the USSR and the USA. In 1968, the USSR under the leadership of [[File:Brezhnev.png]] [[Marxism-Leninism|Brezhnev]] invaded [[File:Dubcekism.png]] [[Liberal Socialism|Czehzhslovakia]], which the Titoist regime of SFRY strongly opposed as another social imperialist attempt. This era can be seen as the peak period of the SFRY as its domestic economic and political situations, and international reputation all reached their peak. SFRY was respected abroad by both superpowers. ▼However, recent documents have revealed that Tito split with Stalin more because of geopolitical disputes regarding [[File:Cball-Greece.png]] Greece and the statuses of Bulgaria and Albania rather than their differences on socialism. Tito’s Yugoslavia followed the status quo in Eastern Europe regarding purges and collectivization before the split. The Cominform was formed to strengthen control over the Eastern Camp countries, including Yugoslavia, and give the [[File:StalinImp.png]] USSR the power to interfere the politics of these countries directly. Albania was initially close to the state of Titoist Yugoslavia, and Stalin feared the strength of a Yugoslavian Union would challenge his leadership in the Cominform. The Tito-Stalin split successfully got Albania out of Yugoslavian orbit and into Soviet sphere of influence. Stalin repeatedly asked Tito to surrender himself to the USSR by admitting that he diverged from the Marxist-Leninist line. Tito refused, considering it could lead to his career in SFRY and potentially the end of his life from his experience in Stalinist purges of the communist party.<ref>https://kipdf.com/the-tito-stalin-split-a-reassessment-in-light-of-new-evidence_5ad1cfbd7f8b9a41758b45ea.html</ref> After the Tito-Stalin split, Tito conducted a purge against Stalinists inside the Yugoslavian communist party by imprisoning them.
▲Meanwhile, the SFRY launched a massive campaign of market socialism to promote its unique model of the economy with workers' self-management policies, worker-controlled firms, and the promotion of cooperatives to develop its path to socialism. Big businesses and industries, however, were nationalized and remained under state control, but small businesses and sole traders remained legal. Nevertheless, this economic policy initially proved successful with the massive boom in the Yugoslavian economy and quickly industrialized SFRY without the famines and bloody gulags of the Soviet Empire. It proved to the world that socialism could be achieved without being a puppet of the Soviet Union. After the death of Stalin, [[File:Khrusch.png]] [[Khrushchevism|Nikita Khrushchev]] and the new Soviet leadership attempted to court Tito, and both countries re-established diplomatic ties. The USSR reaffirmed the SFRY's sovereignty and independence to pursue its socialist path as Khrushchev developed the theory to recognize the "Third Bloc" of countries that were neither aligned with the USA nor the USSR as part of the [[w:Belgrade Declaration|Belgrade Declaration]]. The relationship between both countries began to heal. Even so, the Soviet imperialist invasion of [[File:Nagy.png]] [[Liberal Socialism|Hungary]] in 1956 deteriorated the relationship between SFRY and the USSR again, and the SFRY was absent from the international communist meeting in 1958 by refusing to recognize the leadership of the USSR in the newly formed Socialist Camp of Warsaw Pact and Comecon. Titoist Yugoslavia formed the [[File:NAM.png]] [[w:Non-Aligned Movement|Non-Aligned Movement]], along with [[File:Nasser2.png]] [[Arab Socialism|Nasserist Egypt]], [[File:Nehru.png]] [[Democratic Socialism|Nehru's India]], [[File:Sukarno.png]] [[Pancasila|Sukarno's Indonesia]], [[File:Nkrumah.png]] [[African Socialism|Nkrumah’s Ghana]] and many other non-aligned and anti-imperialist countries in 1961 to oppose both the imperialist blocs of the USSR and the USA. In 1968, the USSR under the leadership of [[File:Brezhnev.png]] [[Marxism-Leninism|Brezhnev]] invaded [[File:Dubcekism.png]] [[Liberal Socialism|Czehzhslovakia]], which the Titoist regime of SFRY strongly opposed as another social imperialist attempt. This era can be seen as the peak period of the SFRY as its domestic economic and political situations, and international reputation all reached their peak. SFRY was respected abroad by both superpowers.
However, SFRY's international fame and situation began to deteriorate in the late 1960s as many non-aligned countries changed governments and became American-aligned, which prevented any chances of forming a third bloc as a bulwark against the Soviet and American imperialists. The SFRY also suffered a heavy blow from the energy crisis due to its reliance on preferable prices of external trade with the USA and the USSR. It was forced to accept IMF loans and structure adjustments of the Yugoslavian economy. This saw the rise of inflation and the rise of the de facto private sector with entrepreneurs, along with the decline of productivity. Even with these reforms, the Yugoslavian economy continued to deteriorate, and so were ethnic tensions. By 1967, the worker-manager ratio in joint stock enterprises of Yugoslavia was as high as 1:20, which was much higher than the average of Socialist Camp countries and close to the level of western European capitalist countries.
Tito's 1974 Constitution devolved more economic power to the individual nation-states within SFRY. But it failed to improve the situation. [[File:Kardelj.png]] [[National Communism|Edvard Kardelj]] also implemented reforms to centralize the Yugoslavian economy with an increase of state interventions, following the decentralized planning models of [[File:Cball-PRPoland.png]] Poland and [[File:Goulash.png]] [[Market Socialism|Hungary]]. While it did improve the economy slightly, it was not enough to keep it from deteriorating. <ref>https://www.jstor.org/stable/1942875</ref> After Tito's death, Yugoslavia began to erode. With the USSR's decline and the collapse of the Eastern Camp in 1989, SFRY too suffered an economic blowout, which saw the rise of ethnonationalism, such as [[File:Milosevic.png]] [[Ethnonationalism|Slobodan Milošević]]. The Serbian leadership believed in Serbian chauvinism and insisted on the centralization of SFRY to benefit the relatively poor Serbian Socialist Republic, which conflicted with the more liberal opinions of member states, like Slovenia, which supported a confederation. These conflicts eventually collapsed the SFRY and caused a full-blown civil war, which saw genocides and ethnic cleansings such as the [[File:Karadzic.png]] [[w:Bosnian Genocide|Bosnian Genocide]].
In today's former SFRY countries, especially [[File:Cball-Serbia.png]] Serbia, Tito is still remembered more or less as a national hero, who chasedimproved outlife the influence of totalitarian imperialist dictatorships of both the Nazis and the Soviets and forged an independent path for SFRY. Many people missin multiculturalismYugoslavia, low inequality, free healthcare and education,helped andunite genuine workplace democracy in SFRY. Although some also rememberall the days of oppression under his authoritarian and dictatorial rule and the brutal secret police UDBA's prosecutions of dissents anddifferent anti-communistsnations.
== Theory ==
Titoism is a variant of [[File:ML.png]] [[Marxism-Leninism]] but applied in the [[File:Cball-Yugoslavia.png]] SFRY (Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia). Unlike [[File:JosephStalin.png]] [[Marxism-Leninism|Stalin]]'s original ML thesis, Titoism opposes [[File: Statesoc.png]] [[State Socialism|collectization]] of agriculture, and instead proposes a [[File: Marketsoc.png]] [[Market Socialism|market socialist]] form of economy that is closer to the [[File:NEP.png]] [[Leninism|Leninist NEP]]. Titoist economics promotes cooperatives, [[File:WPD.png]] workplace democracy, worker-controlled firms, and small businesses. However, the state still plays a crucial role in economics and often meddles with the co-ops, and there is a large nationalized sector of industries within the SFRY. This can be seen as [[File:StateMarksoc.png]] a mixture of planned economy and market socialist principles. However unlike most socialist nations, Yugoslavia had a significant amount of inequality.
Although the Yugoslavian economy did include elements of [[File:WPD.png]] workplace democracy and gave workers more democratic control over the economic management of enterprises, it still had high regional inequality. Slovenia’s GDP Per Capita was 12383$ and Kosovo’s GDP Per Capita only 1592$ by 1989. The Gini index of SFRY ranged between 0.32 to 0.35, mainly due to the high regional inequality. Unemployment rates were also disproportionately high in poorer Yugoslavian republics. Such a sizeable regional disparity gave rise to separatism and eventually led to increased intra-state tensions in the Yugoslavian republics. However, the economic transition of [[File:Cball-Slovenia.png]] Slovenia was rather successful, and it retained many institutional elements of the Former Yugoslavian economy, such as self-management and partial worker-controlled enterprises. The Slovenian Model can be seen as a reconciliation of [[File:Socdem.png]] [[Social Democracy|Western European social democracy]] and the [[File:Marketsoc.png]] [[Market Socialism]] of the Yugoslavian economy. The large-scale privatization of state assets, banks, and shock therapy in other former Yugoslavian republics, such as Serbia, are, in contrast, unsuccessful. The economies of these states stagnate with a generally high level of corruption compared to the more successful Slovenian model.<ref>https://www.researchgate.net/publication/331223694_The_Rise_and_Fall_of_Market_Socialism_in_Yugoslavia</ref>
Titoism is also firmly [[File:Anti-Stalin.png]] anti-Stalinist. Titoism claims to be a firmly anti imperialist ideology, and supports the national determination of all nations. However, this claim is scared, by Tito’s own imperialist ambitions towards Bulgaria and Albania, not to mention plans to invade Albania, which was why Hoxha created his bunkers.
Titoism is also firmly [[File:Anti-Stalin.png]] anti-Stalinist. In contrast to the bloc politics of the [[File:Stalin.png]] [[Marxism-Leninism|Stalinist USSR]] and his successors, including [[File:Khrusch.png]] [[Khrushchevism|Nikita Khrushchev]] and [[File:Brezhnev.png]] [[Marxism-Leninism|Lenoid Brezhnev]], Tito proposes an independent national path and national self-determination for all oppressed nations, and insist that every country should determine their own path of socialism, as opposed to the [[File:SocImp.png]] [[Imperialism|social imperialist]] way of the [[File:Cball-USSR.png]] USSR. <s>Just ignore Tito's own irredentist behaviors towards Bulgaria, Greece, and Albania.</s>
== Stylistic Notes ==
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