Classical Social Democracy
"As long as capitalism remains, there can be no real democracy."
Classical Social Democracy is a political movement that traces its roots to the Social Democratic Party of Germany. Its theories range from
purely Marxist to
reformist perspectives. Despite these differences, social democrats share three core beliefs. First, they see themselves as representatives of all non-capitalist classes. Second, they believe in the ultimate victory of
socialism, regardless of the methods required to achieve it. And third, they advocate for the formation of an independent organization of the working class, capable of defending the rights of the proletariat and the whole working class.
History
Early Foundations
Lassalle and Marx
The origins of Classical Social Democracy can be traced back to the mid-19th century, deeply influenced by the works and ideologies of two pivotal figures: Ferdinand Lassalle and
Karl Marx. Lassalle, a
German-Jewish jurist, philosopher, and socialist political activist, played a crucial role in the early
socialist movement in Germany. In 1863, he founded the General German Workers' Association (Allgemeiner Deutscher Arbeiterverein, ADAV), which is considered one of the earliest socialist parties. Lassalle advocated for state intervention and universal suffrage, believing that
the state could be a tool for workers to achieve their goals. He focused on practical measures to improve workers' lives, such as
legal reforms and
social insurance programs, viewing these as essential steps towards a more equitable society.
Karl Marx, a German philosopher, economist, and revolutionary socialist, co-authored "The Communist Manifesto" with
Friedrich Engels in 1848, which laid the foundation for much of socialist theory. Marx's ideas on class struggle, the proletariat revolution, and the critique of capitalism were foundational to socialist thought. Unlike Lassalle, Marx was more skeptical of the existing state structures and emphasized the need for a proletarian revolution to overthrow the
capitalist system. He argued that the state, under capitalism, was inherently tied to the interests of the bourgeoisie, making it an unsuitable vehicle for true socialist transformation.
Formation of the SPD
Merging of Ideologies
The Social Democratic Party of Germany (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands, SPD) was formed in 1875 through the merger of two socialist groups: the ADAV, founded by
Lassalle, and the Social Democratic Workers' Party of Germany (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei Deutschlands, SDAP), founded by
Wilhelm Liebknecht and
August Bebel, who were more aligned with Marxist principles. This merger marked a significant step in the unification of the socialist movement in Germany, and the union was formalized at the Gotha Congress in 1875, resulting in the "Gotha Program", which attempted to reconcile the differences between the Lassallean and Marxist factions. The program outlined a platform that included both
immediate reforms, such as labor protections and social insurance, and long-term goals, such as
the abolition of class distinctions and the establishment of a socialist society. However, the "Gotha Program" was criticized by
Marx in his "Critique of the Gotha Program" for being too conciliatory towards Lassallean ideas, particularly its emphasis on state intervention and its insufficient focus on revolutionary change.
Growth and Influence
Despite the ideological tensions within the SPD, the party continued to grow in influence and membership. The
Anti-Socialist Laws, enacted by
Otto von Bismarck between 1878 and 1890, aimed to suppress socialist activities by banning socialist organizations, meetings, and publications. However, these laws also unintentionally galvanized the movement, leading to increased support for the SPD as a symbol of resistance against repression. When the laws were lifted in 1890, the SPD emerged as a major political force in
Germany.
In 1891, the SPD adopted the "Erfurt Program", which clearly outlined the party’s Marxist goals while also emphasizing the need for practical reforms. This program marked a significant step in the SPD’s development, balancing revolutionary aims with immediate political and social demands. The `"Erfurt Program" called for the nationalization of key industries, progressive taxation, and the establishment of a welfare state, while also advocating for the abolition of class distinctions and the eventual establishment of a socialist society through democratic means.
Internal Struggles and the Rise of the USPD
World War I and Internal Divisions
The outbreak of World War I in 1914 caused deep divisions within the SPD. The party's leadership, under pressure to demonstrate
patriotism and support for the national war effort, voted in favor of war credits, aligning with the government’s stance. This decision was highly controversial and led to significant internal conflict, as many within the party opposed the war on ideological grounds. The SPD's support for the war effort was seen as a betrayal of its
socialist principles, which advocated for
international solidarity among workers and opposed
militarism and
imperialism.
The faction supporting the war, known as the Majority SPD (MSPD), believed that the conflict was a defensive measure necessary to protect the nation from external threats. They argued that supporting the war effort would prevent a potential invasion and preserve Germany's sovereignty. This stance was supported by
trade unions and other pragmatic factions within the SPD who feared the repercussions of opposing the government during wartime.
In contrast, the Minority SPD (MSPD), led by prominent figures such as Karl Liebknecht and
Rosa Luxemburg, vehemently opposed the war. They viewed it as an imperialist struggle between rival capitalist powers, exploiting the working class and diverting resources away from social reforms. Liebknecht and Luxemburg advocated for international solidarity among workers and called for mass strikes and protests to end the war. Their
anti-war stance was rooted in
Marxist principles, emphasizing class struggle and the revolutionary potential of the proletariat.
Russian Revolution and the Split
The Russian Revolution of 1917 had a profound impact on the socialist movement in
Germany. The overthrow of the
Tsarist regime and the establishment of Soviet power inspired radical elements within the SPD, particularly the Spartacus League led by Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht. The Spartacists, as they were known, saw the Russian Revolution as a model for socialist transformation through revolutionary action.
In December 1918, the Spartacists broke away from the SPD and formed the
Communist Party of Germany (KPD), aligning themselves with the
Bolsheviks in
Russia. The split was a result of irreconcilable differences over strategy and ideology between the revolutionary Spartacists and the reformist leadership of the SPD. The KPD advocated for immediate socialist revolution, the establishment of workers' councils (soviets), and the overthrow of the capitalist state. Luxemburg and Liebknecht emerged as key figures in the new communist movement, promoting a vision of socialism based on direct action and proletarian power.
Becoming Social Democracy
Post-War Reforms and the Weimar Republic
Following World War I, the SPD became a major political force in the newly established
Weimar Republic. The party played a key role in shaping the democratic constitution and implementing social reforms. Under the leadership of
Friedrich Ebert, the SPD sought to stabilize the country and prevent a communist revolution. The Ebert-Groener Pact, an alliance between the SPD government and the military, was instrumental in maintaining order but also controversial, as it involved the suppression of leftist uprisings.
The SPD's participation in the Weimar government was marked by efforts to balance revolutionary aspirations with pragmatic governance. The party implemented significant social reforms, including labor protections, social insurance programs, and expanded democratic rights. These efforts aimed to address the needs of the working class and reduce social inequalities, while also ensuring the stability and viability of the democratic republic.
Shift Towards Reformism
Over time, the SPD increasingly embraced a reformist stance, focusing on achieving socialism through democratic means and gradual reforms rather than revolutionary upheaval. The evolution of the SPD’s ideology reflected a pragmatic approach to political participation and governance, and the party recognized the challenges of revolutionary change in a complex and diverse society, looking to work within the democratic framework to achieve its goals.
The shift towards reformism was formally codified in the "Bad Godesberg Program" of 1959. This program marked a significant departure from the party’s earlier Marxist revolutionary goals, embracing a
modern social democratic platform that emphasized social justice, economic stability, and political democracy. The "Bad Godesberg Program" advocated for a
mixed economy, with both public and private sectors playing roles in economic development, and highlighted the importance of
social welfare programs to ensure a fair distribution of wealth and opportunities.
Beliefs
Classical Social Democracy represents a rich tapestry of thought and action within the broader spectrum of socialist ideology. Rooted in the ideals of community, social justice, and workers' rights, it encompasses a range of beliefs and strategies aimed at addressing the shortcomings of capitalism. Despite the internal diversity, Social Democrats are united by a shared goal: the establishment of a society where the means of production and the wealth generated by them serve the common good rather than private interests.
Reformism vs.
Direct Action
One of the defining features of Classical Social Democracy is the spectrum of approaches embraced by its adherents. On one end, reformists advocate for gradual, systemic change through
democratic means. They believe in working within the existing political structures to achieve social and economic reforms that progressively dismantle the inequalities inherent in
capitalism. This includes policies like
progressive taxation,
extensive social welfare programs, and
labor rights protections, all aimed at redistributing wealth and power more equitably.
Reformist Social Democrats argue that incremental changes can lead to significant improvements in workers' lives and can lay the groundwork for more profound structural transformations. They often engage in
parliamentary politics, seeking to gain influence and power within governments to implement their policies. Through legislation, they aim to create a more just society where economic disparities are minimized, and everyone has access to essential services like healthcare, education, and housing.
On the other end, proponents of direct action argue for more
immediate and radical measures. They emphasize the necessity of mass mobilization and
sometimes even revolutionary activity to achieve fundamental change. Direct action includes strikes, protests, and other forms of collective action that apply pressure on the capitalist system and its institutions. These Social Democrats argue that without a powerful and active workers' movement, the structural inequalities of
capitalism cannot be effectively challenged. Direct action Social Democrats believe that the capitalist system is inherently exploitative and that meaningful change can only come through a more confrontational approach. They view direct action as a way to empower workers, raise consciousness about class struggle, and force concessions from those in power. This approach often involves building solidarity through grassroots organizing and fostering a sense of agency among the working class.
Common Struggle: The Mass Worker Movement
Despite the methodological differences, both reformists and advocates of direct action are united by a common struggle: the construction of a mass worker movement. This movement is envisioned as a broad, inclusive coalition of working-class individuals and their allies, organized to challenge the capitalist status quo. The aim is to build a political and social force capable of driving significant change, whether through legislative reform or
more radical means.
The mass worker movement is seen as the bedrock of Social Democratic strategy. It involves not only political engagement but also community organizing, education, and the fostering of solidarity among diverse groups. This unity is crucial, as it amplifies the voice of the working class and ensures that their demands for fair wages, decent working conditions, and social protections are heard and acted upon.
Building a mass worker movement requires a multifaceted approach. It involves mobilizing workers across different sectors, forming alliances with other progressive groups, and creating networks of support and mutual aid. Education plays a critical role in this process, as raising awareness about workers' rights, economic justice, and the principles of
socialism helps to build a more informed and engaged movement. Additionally, fostering a culture of solidarity and mutual support strengthens the resilience and cohesion of the movement.
Overthrowing Capitalism
At the heart of Classical Social Democracy is the goal of overthrowing capitalism. This does not necessarily mean a violent overthrow but rather a transformative process that replaces the profit-driven capitalist system with a more equitable and democratic socio-economic order. Social Democrats envision a society where the means of production are controlled by the people, either through
state ownership,
cooperatives, or
other forms of collective ownership.
This new order would prioritize human needs and
environmental sustainability over profit, ensuring that all individuals have access to the resources and opportunities necessary for a dignified life. In this envisioned society, the economy would be
democratically planned to serve the common good, eliminating the vast disparities in wealth and power that characterize capitalism.
The overthrow of capitalism, as envisioned by Social Democrats, involves a profound rethinking of economic and social structures. It means moving away from an economy driven by profit and competition towards one based on cooperation, solidarity, and the well-being of all. This transformation would involve not only changes in ownership and control of resources but also a cultural shift towards valuing collective well-being over individual gain.
Key to this vision is the concept of economic democracy, where workers have a direct say in the management and decision-making processes of their workplaces. This could take the form of worker cooperatives, where employees collectively own and manage their enterprises, or through more extensive forms of public ownership where the community has a stake in key industries and services. By ensuring that economic power is distributed more equitably, Social Democrats aim to create a society that is more
just,
sustainable, and
humane.
Variants
Bremen Left
Initially united under the "Erfurt Program" of 1891, which combined Marxist rhetoric with a commitment to achieving its aims through
democratic means, the
SPD eventually saw internal divisions over its approach to achieving
socialism. The
Bremen Faction emerged within the SPD in the early 20th century, centered around the city of Bremen, and was associated with a more orthodox Marxist position, critical of the increasingly
reformist tendencies within the SPD leadership. Prominent figures included
Johann Knief,
Karl Radek,
Antonie Pannekoek,
Herman Gorter, and
Julian Borchardt.
Antonie Pannekoek (1873-1960) was a
Dutch astronomer and Marxist theorist, prominent in the left-wing of the SPD and later in the Communist movement, who advocated for a form of
Council Communism, emphasizing the role of workers' councils ('soviets') as the basis for revolutionary change and aligning with the Bremen Faction's emphasis on direct action and class struggle.
Herman Gorter (1864-1927), a
Dutch poet and socialist, was a leading voice in the left-wing opposition within the SPD. He collaborated closely with Pannekoek and was a staunch critic of the SPD's
parliamentary tactics, advocating for a more radical, revolutionary path.
Julian Borchardt (1868-1932), a
German socialist and writer, was critical of the SPD's reformist tendencies, contributing to the theoretical underpinnings of
anti-reformism and
anti-parliamentarianism within the Bremen Faction.
Karl Radek (1885-1939), a Polish Marxist and key figure in the Bremen Faction, was influential in promoting
anti-imperialist and
anti-nationalist views. His work helped shape the
revolutionary Marxist perspective within the SPD, focusing on the need for a proletarian revolution rather than parliamentary reforms.
The Bremen Faction firmly opposed the SPD’s increasing focus on parliamentary activity, arguing that participation in bourgeois parliamentary systems would lead to the dilution of socialist goals and that capitalism was destined to collapse due to its inherent contradictions, proposing that the SPD should prepare the
working class for this eventuality rather than seeking incremental reforms. This anti-reformist stance was central to Bremenism, as the faction maintained that true socialist transformation required a complete overthrow of
capitalist structures, not mere adjustments within the existing framework. They also rejected nationalism and promoted
internationalism, emphasizing solidarity among workers globally against their common capitalist oppressors. Bremen Leftists, or Bremenists, emphasized the revolutionary role of direct action. Rejecting
Karl Kautsky's and
Rosa Luxemburg's ideas that capitalism would collapse through economic means, the Bremenists advocated for mass action in working-class organizations and a rejection of entryism and "taking over the state". Instead, they called for the abolishment of the existing state and the creation of a proletarian one. They placed special emphasis on the idea that the basis of reformism was the labor aristocracy and rejected national liberation movements as distractions from class struggle. The Bremen Faction was vehemently anti-imperialist, viewing
imperialism as an extension of capitalist exploitation on a global scale and criticizing the SPD leadership for not taking a stronger stance against imperialist wars and colonialism. They advocated for the
"dictatorship of the councils", a concept that called for a proletarian state based on the rule of workers' councils (soviets) instead of a parliamentary democracy. This was seen as a necessary step to dismantle capitalist structures and build a socialist society.
The faction also contributed to the development of theories related to
monopoly capitalism, analyzing how capitalism had evolved into a system dominated by large monopolies, exacerbating its contradictions and leading to deeper crises and potential revolutionary upheaval. Their strict adherence to
Marxist principles, focusing on class struggle and the revolutionary potential of the proletariat, contrasted sharply with the more
reformist Marxism of the SPD leadership, highlighting the faction's commitment to a radical overthrow of capitalism. The ideological battles within the SPD, exemplified by the Bremen Faction, significantly influenced the broader
socialist movement. The outbreak of World War I and the SPD leadership's support for the war effort led to a profound split, with the Bremenists and other radicals eventually forming the
Communist Party of Germany (KPD) in 1918, alongside
Spartacists. This split underscored the persistent tension between
reformist and
revolutionary strategies within socialist movements worldwide, shaping the trajectory of leftist politics in the 20th century.
Orthodox/Centrist Social Democracy
The Centrist/Orthodox SPD faction,
the party, represents a synthesis of
Marxist principles with
pragmatic, reformist strategies. Their theoretical foundation is heavily influenced by
Karl Kautsky (1854-1938), who articulated a vision of
revolutionary parliamentarianism, involving leveraging
parliamentary participation to gain popular support while ultimately striving for a
socialist transformation.
He also emphasized the merger, placing intellectuals responsible for creating socialist consciousness and theory. As Kautsky wrote in Die Neue Zeit in 1902, "Modern socialist consciousness can arise only on the basis of profound scientific knowledge... The vehicle of science is not the proletariat, but the bourgeois intelligentsia". While intellectuals played a crucial role in developing socialist ideas, the mass movement of the proletariat remains the primary vehicle for social change.
August Bebel (1840-1913), a key figure in the SPD, believed in universal suffrage and social reforms as essential steps toward socialism, advocating for the power of organized labor and parliamentary engagement to effect change.
Henry Hyndman (1842-1921), a
British Marxist, shared the SPD’s centrist position by advocating for reformist policies while retaining a revolutionary perspective. His approach underscored the significance of political organization and action, resonating with the SPD's integration of Marxist theory and practical politics.
Prominent Marxist theoreticians like Belfort Bax (1854-1925) supported the SPD's emphasis on combining Marxist analysis with practical political engagement.
Keir Hardie (1856-1915), a founder of the British Labour Party, aligned with the SPD’s centrist approach by advocating for workers’ rights and social reforms, integrating
socialist principles into a broader political movement.
Georgi Plekhanov (1856-1918) focused on the necessity of a disciplined and theoretically informed party, influencing the SPD’s commitment to strong organization and adherence to Marxist principles, further cementing the faction’s centrist yet revolutionary approach.
James Connolly (1868-1916), an
Irish socialist and revolutionary, highlighted national liberation and
anti-imperialism, resonating with the SPD’s stance against imperialism and colonial exploitation.
W.E.B. DuBois (1868-1963), renowned for his work on race and civil rights, complemented the SPD’s goals of social and economic equality through his socialist leanings and advocacy for economic justice. These perspectives reinforced the SPD’s anti-imperialist position, which opposed colonialism and advocated for the rights of oppressed nations.
Karl Renner (1870-1950), an
Austrian social democrat, contributed to
Austro-Marxism, emphasizing state intervention in managing economic and social reforms. This reflected the SPD’s pragmatic approach to achieving socialism.
Max Adler (1873-1937), another
Austro-Marxist, advocated for a gradual transition to socialism through democratic means, integrating Marxist theory with practical political action.
Otto Bauer (1881-1938) introduced ideas on "integral socialism," emphasizing a broad-based, inclusive approach to socialist politics that aligned with the SPD’s strategy of working within the parliamentary system to achieve gradual reforms.
Eugene V. Debs (1885-1926), an
American socialist leader, mirrored the SPD’s emphasis on electoral politics and social reforms through his advocacy for workers’ rights and commitment to
Democratic Socialism. These figures collectively influenced the SPD’s
centrist faction, which balanced Marxist principles with the practicalities of electoral politics and social reforms. Key concepts such as anti-imperialism,
Lassallism, reformist socialism, Marxism, and revolutionary-parliamentarianism underpinned the faction's strategy, highlighting a pragmatic yet theoretically rigorous approach to achieving socialism.
Lassalleism
Classical Social Democracy, emerging in the late 19th century, encompassed diverse ideological currents that sought to address the social and economic upheavals brought about by industrialization and
capitalism. One significant strand was Lassalleism, named after
Ferdinand Lassalle (1825-1864).
Anti-Liberalism took a strong hold on Lassalle's political stance, diverging from
Classical Liberalism by emphasizing that political freedoms alone were insufficient to address the material conditions of the
working class. Lassalle initially viewed
Otto von Bismarck policies favorably, seeing potential in state intervention to enact social reforms beneficial to workers. However, disillusionment followed as Bismark's
conservatism became apparent.
Central to Lassalle's thought was his adaptation of Hegelian philosophy, particularly in his view of the state as a mediator of social conflicts and an agent for advancing social justice. His approach to achieving
socialist goals was through legal and electoral means, advocating for workers' rights,
universal suffrage, and state-sponsored
worker cooperatives. This
reformist socialism, however, faced critiques from more revolutionary perspectives, notably from
Karl Marx (1818-1883) and
Friedrich Engels (1820-1895). Marxists argued that Lassalle's focus on state intervention and
state socialism did not go far enough in addressing the root causes of exploitation inherent in capitalism, critisizing Lassalle's views for advocating reforms that preserved capitalist relations rather than transcending them through
revolutionary action.
Lassalle accepted the economic theories of classical economist David Ricardo (1772-1823), particularly the notion that wage rates tended towards the minimum level necessary for the subsistence and reproduction of workers. Building upon this, Lassalle formulated his own "iron law of wages", arguing that individual efforts by wage workers to improve their conditions were futile without state-supported measures. He advocated for producers' cooperatives financed by the state as the path to economic improvement for workers, emphasizing that political action to capture state power was paramount. Lassalle saw trade unions focusing on wage improvements as a secondary concern compared to the broader struggle for political influence and economic reform. In addition to his economic and political theories, Lassalle was influenced by the philosophical ideas of Johann Gottlieb Fichte (1762-1814), whom he held in high regard. In a speech in May 1862, Lassalle praised Fichte's Addresses to the German Nation as "one of the mightiest monuments of fame" in human literature, underscoring the depth and power he perceived in Fichte's work.
Alongside Lassalleism, other strands of early Social Democracy included
Ricardian Socialism, which drew on the labor theory of value and called for the collective ownership of the means of production by workers. This perspective critiqued both Lassallean and Marxist approaches, emphasizing the need to abolish private ownership and replace it with cooperative management. The tension between
State Socialism advocated by Lassalle and the more revolutionary visions articulated by
Marx and
Engels underscored the diverse trajectories within the broader socialist movement. As Social Democracy evolved, particularly in the 20th century, it encompassed ideas such as
Welfarism and the promotion of
workplace democracy. The first focused on using state mechanisms to provide social safety nets, healthcare, education, and other social services, while maintaining a regulated market economy. Meanwhile, advocates of workplace democracy, influenced by thinkers like
William Morris (1834-1896) and
Paul Lafargue (1841-1911), emphasized the importance of worker ownership and
democratic control of enterprises as a means to democratize economic decision-making.
Spartacism
Spartacism, a revolutionary socialist movement that emerged in early 20th century
Germany, was shaped significantly by the ideas and leadership of
Rosa Luxemburg (1871-1919). This movement was a radical faction within the
SPD, marked by a firm opposition to
imperialism,
nationalism, and
reformism. Central to Spartacism was the belief that
capitalism's inherent exploitation and expansionism could only be dismantled through revolutionary action, not gradual reforms. Luxemburg, in her work "The Accumulation of Capital," argued that imperialism was a natural outgrowth of capitalism's need for new markets and resources, necessitating a
global revolutionary struggle. Her critiques of both the
reformist elements within the
socialist movement and the capitalist state were foundational to the
Spartacist ideology and created significant tension with the main ideologues of the SPD.
Karl Liebknecht (1871-1919) echoed Luxemburg's
anti-imperialist and
anti-nationalist sentiments, famously declaring "the main enemy is at home" in opposition to World War I. This statement underscored the Spartacist belief that true liberation could not be achieved through nationalistic wars but through international proletarian solidarity against
the bourgeoisie. His radical stance against the war contrasted sharply with the SPD leadership, who had supported war efforts, further intensifying internal conflicts.
Paul Levi (1883-1930), who led the Spartacist movement after the deaths of Luxemburg and Liebknecht, continued to emphasize the importance of maintaining proletarian independence from bourgeois political structures and staunchly opposed collaboration with reformist elements, positioning the Spartacists against the SPD’s more moderate strategies.
Clara Zetkin (1857-1933), a pivotal figure in both the
socialist and
women's movements, contributed to the
anti-reformist stance of Spartacism. She believed that the emancipation of women was intrinsically linked to the broader proletarian revolution, aligning with Luxemburg's views on the interconnectedness of the struggles against capitalism, imperialism, and nationalism. Zetkin's work reinforced the movement's rejection of any reformist strategies that sought to achieve socialism within the capitalist framework, opposing the SPD’s more incremental approach to social change.
Franz Mehring (1846-1919) provided the historical and theoretical foundation for Spartacism through his
Marxist analysis of capitalism and class struggle. His emphasis on historical materialism highlighted the inevitability of revolutionary change, aligning with the Spartacist critique of gradual reform. Mehring's perspective underscored the necessity of a complete overthrow of the capitalist system, a belief that was central to the Spartacist ideology. This revolutionary perspective often clashed with the SPD’s belief in achieving socialism through parliamentary means and social reforms.
Despite its radicalism, the Spartacist movement also embraced elements of Classical Social Democracy. Luxemburg and her comrades believed that the proletariat should actively "reconquer" mass movements that had succumbed to revisionism, rather than rejecting these movements outright. This position distinguished Spartacism from other leftist factions that preferred a more vanguardist approach. Luxemburg's belief in "economism," the idea that capitalism would collapse due to its inherent economic contradictions without the need for direct proletarian action, also influenced Spartacist strategy, though it was balanced by a strong emphasis on mass revolutionary activity. This approach put them at odds with SPD leaders who favored a more pragmatic, less confrontational path to socialism.
The core beliefs of Spartacism included anti-imperialism, anti-nationalism, and anti-reformism, all rooted in a Marxist framework that demanded revolutionary change. The movement advocated for the "party equals class" analysis, viewing the revolutionary party as an embodiment of the working class itself. This approach called
Revolutionary Democratic Socialism and Marxism, emphasizing mass participation and democratic control over production.
Revolutionary Progressivism, another key aspect, rejected the notion of achieving progress within capitalism and instead promoted continuous revolutionary efforts to establish a classless society. The Spartacists, thus, saw the need to engage with existing mass movements while maintaining their radical revolutionary goals, creating a dynamic tension between engagement and the push for systemic overthrow, often putting them in direct conflict with the more conservative elements within the SPD.
Reformism/Revisionism
At its inception, the SPD adhered closely to Marxist principles, advocating for the revolutionary overthrow of
capitalism and the establishment of
socialism through proletarian struggle. This orthodox Marxist perspective dominated early party ideology, influenced by the writings of
Karl Marx and
Friedrich Engels, which predicted the inevitable collapse of capitalism due to its internal contradictions. However, within the SPD, a
reformist/revisionist faction emerged, challenging these revolutionary ideals. Led by figures like
Eduard Bernstein (1850-1932), the reformists argued for a pragmatic approach to achieving socialist goals. They critiqued orthodox Marxism's predictions of capitalist collapse, arguing instead for gradual reforms within the existing capitalist framework to improve the conditions of the working class. Bernstein's revisionism emphasized the importance of
parliamentary politics,
legal reforms, and
social welfare legislation as means to advance socialist objectives peacefully.
The debate between reformists and orthodox Marxists within the SPD reflected broader shifts in socialist thought influenced by changing socio-economic conditions and the emergence of imperialism. The rise of imperialism and the expansion of capitalist economies globally presented challenges to traditional Marxist theories, leading some within the SPD to question whether capitalist development might alleviate or delay class conflict and revolution. Ultimately, the reformist faction's ascendancy within the SPD marked a significant evolution in socialist strategy. It departed from the revolutionary fervor of early Marxism, focusing instead on achieving incremental gains for the working class through democratic means and legal reforms.
Personality
Classical Social Democracy is very contrarian and hates anyone trying to undermine the working class. However he is also often rather confused as he doesn't have a central program, so in conflicts between his children he tries to mend relations as best as possible.
How to Draw
Symbols
Flag
Color Name | HEX | RGB | |
---|---|---|---|
Dark Red | #950000 | rgb(149, 0, 0) | |
Coffee Gold | #DA8E43 | rgb(218, 142, 67) | |
Gold | #FDBD59 | rgb(253, 189, 89) | |
Beige | #FBFD82 | rgb(251, 253, 130) |
The flag design of Classical Social Democracy is based on a old SPD banner and a simplified version of that banner. It has a dark red background, a coffee gold wreath, two golden hands shaking and a beige ribbon.
Props
Classical Social Democracy can often be seen holding old socialist flags when in action, but when things are more calm, he can be potrayed as walking around with a wooden cane.
Drawing
- Draw a ball.
- Fill the ball in dark red.
- Draw a coffee golden wreath.
- Draw a beige ribbon at the bottom of the wreath.
- Draw a pair of golden hands shaking in the center.
- Draw two eyes.
- You're done!
Color Name | HEX | RGB | |
---|---|---|---|
Dark Red | #950000 | rgb(149, 0, 0) | |
Coffee Gold | #DA8E43 | rgb(218, 142, 67) | |
Gold | #FDBD59 | rgb(253, 189, 89) | |
Beige | #FBFD82 | rgb(251, 253, 130) |
Relationships
Friends
Abolitionism - Long live the Union!
Council Communism - My a little too blanquist son, you should learn to participate in parliament some times.
Menshevism - Nevertheless there is no doubt but what the feud of the two papers is at the present time injuring the Russian revolutionist movement; something that is all the more to be regretted since the actual differences of opinion are not so great as to make the cooperation of the opponents impossible.
Leninism - "This situation of the unity of the working masses of the world in jointly honouring their fallen hero, in freely working together to build the socialist society, is one I may not yet see, before I follow Lenin into the land from which no traveller ever returns."[1]
Bundism - My Jewish son. סאָלידאַרישקייט אויף אייביק!
Frenemies
Democratic Socialism - It would be foolish to attempt to wage the struggle for democracy itself with the agencies of democracy. By peaceful means democracy is neither to be wrested from nor defended against a regime of coercion.
Reformist Marxism - You may have been a revisionist and had turned me into what I am today, but we are all common brothers of the great Socialist tradition.
Liberal Socialism and
Left-Wing Populism - You want the unity of the peoples? The people include the bourgeoisie, the farmer, the tradesmen. The proletariat will obviously have differing interests and any attempts at reconciliation will only lead to the same failure of the Populist Party.
Keynesian School - You could show me how to build socialism. But you're way too liberal and anti-revolutionary for my liking, Mr. Rosa-killer.
Anti-Fascism - I support our democratic republic but your propaganda is no different to the Nazis.
Labour Zionism - Hess and Borochov were based, but many of your modern variants sold out and became Neoliberals with welfare. Try being more like
him instead.
Enemies
Theory of Social Contract - This theory is very lovely, it has only one error: it is absolutely false.
Social Democracy - You betrayed everything you stood for and killed my beloved Luxemburg. I hate you with every fiber of my being. I hate you.
Third Way - You're just worse than the guy above. Prepare for a bullet!
Social Authoritarianism - Wow, I didn't know anyone could be worse than a killer or a neoliberal with welfare. You have stolen my theories and have convinced people that socialism is nothing more than the "government doing stuff".
Bismarckism - Lassalle sold us out. He undermined the workers movement by working with you and taking the rightful institutions of the worker, making them mere institutions for the State. I hate you.
Capitalism - Long live the international fraternization of peoples! Down with capitalism!
Gallery
Portraits
Comics and other artwork
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By NR34.
Alternative designs
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Spartacism
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Ditto, bow
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Flag of Spartacism
Further Information
Literature
- The Working Man's Programme by
Ferdinand Lassalle
- Overproduction and Crises by
Johann Karl Rodbertus
Spartacism
- Blanquism and Social Democracy
- Reform or Revolution
- Organisational questions of the Russian social democracy
- The Mass strike
- Accumulation of Capital
Kautskyism
Wikipedia
Notes
- ↑ In regards to analysis of monopoly capitalism
References
- ↑ Lassalle changed his name at a young age to disassociate himself from Judaism.
- ↑ https://www.marxists.org/archive/connolly/1899/08/sawar1.htm
- ↑ https://www.marxists.org/archive/connolly/1915/rcoi/index.htm
- ↑ https://tribunemag.co.uk/2023/05/remembering-james-connolly-2
- ↑ https://tribunemag.co.uk/2023/05/remembering-james-connolly-2
- ↑ https://tribunemag.co.uk/2023/05/remembering-james-connolly-2
- ↑ https://www.workersliberty.org/story/2023-02-21/connolly-and-his-influences
- ↑ https://www.gwleidyddiaeth.cymru/socialism-and-communism/socialism-in-welsh-politics/